Who is targeted in darfur

As a result, more than , people have been displaced, according to data from the International Organization for Migration. El Geneina is overflowing with people left twice displaced. Some 80 government sites host at least 50, civilians - all now experts in building makeshift homes assembled together from plastic sheets and sticks. As people shift from the peripheries of town into temporary urban camps, so too has the conflict.

In April, fighting between one of Darfur's biggest communities, the Masalit, and the Arabs spread to the centre, leaving people terrified of a future attack. With a look of anguish across his face, he points to the bullet wound protruding from his left shoulder. My mother and I held the kids and ran.

They shot me whilst I was holding my kid in my arms and running. He took shelter in a temporary camp in town, but found living there unbearable. After the attack, the Sudanese government installed checkpoints in some areas to ensure security and to encourage people to return to settlements. It's been a month since Mr Osman returned to El Jebel - now a dusty, desolate settlement devastated by conflict. He and his family spend the mornings rebuilding his destroyed home - using natural resources to salvage what's left of it.

The tree that once shielded his family from the oppressive Sudanese sun has now been chopped down for the foundations of his house. Many more people who spoke to the BBC also don't feel safe. They say the government, including the RSF, which grew out of the Janjaweed, are untrustworthy. In , the uprising in Darfur by two rebel groups, claiming inequitable treatment of the non-Arab Sudanese population, led the government to respond with a genocidal campaign to rid the area of non-Arab populations.

Refugee Crisis: The Darfur genocide has led to approximately , Darfuri deaths and forced another , to flee to refugee camps in neighboring Chad. The reduced rations, meant to feed refugees for a month, do not even last an entire week. Education: Darfuri refugees are no longer permitted to learn Sudanese. Their educational curriculum is now conveyed in Chadian. This detrimental effect will result in a lost generation of Sudanese speakers if they are ever to return home.

The agreement set out estimated numbers of refugees who will return during , types and levels of reintegration assistance they will receive, and logistical aspects of the repatriation operation.

The repatriation, however, was temporarily suspended due to insecurity and lack of services and infrastructure for returnees in their areas of origin. Hundreds, if not thousands, of displaced Darfuris, who returned to their Sudanese villages, were assaulted, beaten, or killed by militant new settlers. The combination of roaming rebels, stockpiles of uncollected weapons and armed new settlers has led to great danger for recent returnees. Returning farmers are afraid to go back to their plots for fear of attacks from new settlers who have taken the land in their absence or by militiamen who steal livestock and crops.

That services like education, health, and potable water are entirely lacking from the villages to which returnees are meant to return.

Gender-Based Violence: Darfuri survivors are in constant fear for their lives and safety, regardless of living in Sudan or Chad. The lack of jobs available to refugees is due in part to restrictions placed on them by the Chadian government, but also, the economy of the camps and surrounding community has simply not grown to accommodate the refugee community. Ethnic Disparity: Considered to be the first genocide of the 21st century, the Darfur genocide began in after rebels, led mainly by non-Arab Muslim sedentary tribes, including the Fur and Zaghawa, from the region, rose against the government.

They claimed years of inequitable treatment and economic marginalization, among other grievances. The government unleashed Arab militias known as the Janjaweed to attack villages and destroy communities. Janjaweed attacks were notoriously brutal and invoked a slash and burn policy that included killing and severely injuring the people, burning homes, stealing or burning food and livestock, and poisoning water wells.

Empower affected populations with sustainable livelihood solutions and immediate, informal learning opportunities that will boost their resilience, improve their lives in the Chad refugee camp settings, and translate well in Darfur, should they choose to return. To conceal their failure from the public, the Ottoman leaders openly blamed their defeat on Armenians in the region and stated that they had betrayed their empire by fighting for and helping the enemy forces.

This deliberate falsehood acted as a catalyst and justification for the genocide of the Armenian people, whereby the CUP government used the emergency wartime conditions to create a more ethnically homogenous community.

As a result of this, Armenian soldiers were catagorised as a direct threat to the Ottoman war effort, removed from the Ottoman army, and massacred.

The intellectual elite of Armenian society concentrated in areas such as Constantinople were also rounded up, imprisoned and later murdered.

The remaining Armenians, primarily women, the elderly and children, were relocated from strategically important areas and forcibly marched to the Deir ez-Zor by Ottoman forces and local collaborators.

As a result of these conditions, thousands died. Young girls and women were also occasionally spared for forced labour as domestic servants, to become wives in Muslim households or to be used as sex slaves. Those who survived the death marches were imprisoned in camps, such as at Deir ez-Zor or Ras al-Ayn, where conditions were extremely poor and many thousands died of disease and malnutrition. Between March and October , there was another wave of executions, and as many as , more people were murdered.

While recognising that mass deportations of Armenians took place during the First World War, Turkey continues to insist that these were necessary security measures as a result of Armenian treachery and violence and do not amount to state-sponsored genocide or mass extermination. The Khmer Rouge were led by Pol Pot and held radical totalitarian beliefs. They wanted to create a classless, rural, agricultural society where personal property, currency, religion and individuality did not exist.

The Khmer Rouge began to implement this vision immediately after taking power on 17 April People associated in any significant way with the previous government, religion, or education, as well as members of ethnic cleansing , were targeted for persecution, imprisonment, torture and murder.

The Khmer Rouge created prisons, which were de facto execution centres. Some Cambodians were also exploited as forced labourers by the regime and died as a result of over-work and malnutrition. Later, as the economic situation worsened and paranoia increased, the Khmer Rouge also began to execute members of its own party for failing to achieve the unrealistic agricultural aims or for being supposed foreign spies.

Following the genocide Cambodia continued to be politically unstable. Although there was significant evidence of the atrocities, the Cold War continued to dominate international concerns, and many Western countries were openly hostile to the new Vietnamese installed communist government. The Genocide Memorial in Kigali, the capital of Rwanda, which commemorates the Rwandan genocide. The remains of over , people are buried here.

The Genocide against the Tutsi refers to the mass murder of up to one million people, primarily Tutsi , between 7 April and 15 July The genocide was carried out by extremist Hutu army officers using military forces in Rwanda, with widespread collaboration and assistance from civilians, the local police, and the institutions of government.

Historically, the Tutsi formed the ruling class in Rwanda, with a Tutsi King ruling within a feudal system. In , the German forces agreed an alliance with the Rwandan Tutsi King, and ruled the country through the Tutsi monarchy.

Following the First World War, under a League of Nations mandate, Rwanda came under control of Belgium, who continued to support the monarchy and maintain Tutsi rule.

In the early s, Belgium forces introduced compulsory identification cards, which further segregated the population according to three ethnicities: Tutsi, Hutu and Twa. Whereas previously the boundaries of these groups were permeable , the introduction of the identification cards with its required ethnic identification solidified the separate groups and promoted racial boundaries and ideas.

A quota system restricted the presence of Tutsi in education and employment and this served to reinforce the racist ideology of three distinct groups. These events led to the murder of approximately 20, Tutsi, and many more fled to neighbouring countries to seek asylum. A three-year civil war ensured.

Inside Rwanda, all Tutsis and Hutu who had not pledged their support to the president and his party were labelled accomplices and traitors. In in Arusha in Tanzania, the RPF and the Rwandan government held several months of internationally sponsored peace talks and eventually agreed a power-sharing settlement providing for elections and a co-coalition government with representatives from both sides, and a return home for refugees in neighbouring countries.

However, just eight months later, on 6 April , a plane carrying President Habyarimana of Rwanda and President Ntaryamira of Burundi was shot down and crashed over Kigali airport, killing all those on board. This event acted as a catalyst for the genocide against the Tutsi to begin. This militia, the Interahamwe , was responsible for the speed and efficiency of the killing. Over the following days, up to one million people were murdered with machetes and rifles or killed when the churches in which they were seeking refuge were blown up.

Between , and , Tutsi women were brutally raped and sexually violated. In response, over one million Hutu who had been involved in the genocide fled the country. A combination of these factors over several years has systematically eroded the coping capacities of communities.

The pattern of conflict changed from low-intensity, small-scale outbreaks from the s to the s, to high-intensity, persistent and large-scale battles in the mids. These conflicts have included those between the Rezegat and Maaleya , Salamat and Taayesha , Binihelba and Meharya , Zaghawa and Gamar The prolonged drought that began in drove nomadic Zaghawa and Arab groups southwards into the central Fur region of Jebel Marra.

By the time of the peace conference, several thousand tribesmen had died, tens of thousands had been displaced and40 , homes destroyed. These conflicts have been between nomadic and sedentary communities, and amongst and within nomadic and pastoralists. There has also been an additional source of instability in Darfur. Although the ethnically diverse people of Darfur were all Muslims and have a very strong sense of belonging to the Sudan, a sizeable minority also feel affinity with related groups in neighboring Chad.

In early , two armed groups have waged war in Darfur against the Government of Sudan. Several hundred policemen were murdered and more than eighty police stations were destroyed in attacks. This resulted in a security vacuum which further distorted civil society in Darfur with numerous communities responding in their own ways. The conflict subsequently spiraled out of control and has resulted in many deaths and the displacement of hundreds of thousands of civilians in Sudan.

Many others have fled into neighboring Chad. A growing humanitarian crisis ensued. The rebel movements appear to have recruited from within certain tribes and clans in Darfur and the war has inevitably focused upon those areas of Darfur within which the insurgents chose to base themselves.

Several hundred thousand civilians have chosen to flee and remove themselves from these war zones. The rebel movements in Darfur have claimed that they are fighting against underdevelopment and marginalisation. Every part of Sudan, north, south, east and west is underdeveloped and Darfur has been the focus of considerable government attention.

These claims should be assessed against the information and figures given below. Political participation: Since coming to power in , the Sudanese government has sought to introduce a federal model of government.

Darfuris are very well represented within Sudan's political structures. There are seven federal government ministers from Darfur and Darfuris also hold, amongst other positions, a cabinet-rank presidential adviser position. There are also four Darfuri state governors and Darfuris are also members of the supreme and constitutional court.

Darfuri representation in the National Assembly is second only to the southern states. Education: There has been a continuous increase in education facilities in Darfur. For example, the number of primary schools in was , increasing to schools in There were schools in and this increased under the present government to schools in , in addition to mixed schools.

Secondary schools have increased from2 schools in to schools in The present government also established three universities in Darfur. Health: The number of hospitals in greater Darfur has increased under this government from 3 hospitals in to 23 hospitals by ; health centres have similarly increased from 20 to 24 and medical laboratories from 16 to